What is in this month's LulaWatch?

The administration of Brazil's President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva recently celebrated 18 months in power. The ceremony was seen as an awkward publicity stunt by the government which also ushered presidential Chief of Staff José Dirceu back to the political arena with even greater powers. After suffering from a major corruption scandal, Mr. Dirceu reasserted his power, and then took off for Cuba at the invitation of Fidel Castro.

Despite the government's triumphal attitude, polls show its prestige is down. The president's prestige is also suffering with 43% of those polled revealing they distrust him.

Such figures appear as politicians start campaigning for municipal elections, which are seen as a major test for the government. The Workers' Party (PT) wants to greatly expand its power in city government and has repeatedly sought to utilize government bureaucracy as an instrument to achieve this goal.

Despite official denials, the facts show that ideological forces linked to President Lula da Silva continue to advance in their bid to take over the State bureaucracy.

A most glaring example was the swearing-in ceremony of the new director of the Brazilian Information Agency (ABIN). His speech clearly translated into a submission of the State intelligence agency to PT interests and its efforts to keep Lula in power for another four years after his first term expires. Similar examples can be found in the PT's quest to control the judiciary.

For its part, the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) -- always helped closely by the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops' Pastoral Commission on Land (CPT) -- has unleashed a new wave of land invasions all over the country. The squatters say they will not leave until land reform is in place.

Other items include statements by the president's chief of staff and government strongman that Brazil advances through "conflict." President Lula continues to swear fidelity to the "landless workers" and to encourage them to claim their "rights." The pro-MST land reform minister of the PT's so-called radical wing says the government will do nothing to curb the wave of invasions. He claims the government has an excellent, ongoing "dialogue" with the so-called social movements.

1. The propaganda government

The Lula da Silva administration celebrated its one-and-a-half year "anniversary" in power with a "euphoric assessment."

Chief of Staff José Dirceu spoke for over one hour as he marked his return to the political scene as the government's "manager." The speech also sought to sweep away the effects of the corruption scandals that shook the federal government - and particularly Dirceu himself. These scandals caused the administration's worst political crisis.

Political commentator Dora Kramer said the results of the ceremony were debatable: "[Dirceu]'s grandiloquence, tone and great use of positive figures does not reflect the facts" ("Palanque no Palácio," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-6-2004).

With municipal elections drawing near, the "triumphalist assessment" also sought to boost the political future of the PT and its allies.

An editorial in the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo, titled "The government's electioneering 'anniversary,'" comments: "From what it seems, the government has made a great change by inventing an 18-month anniversary - something unprecedented in Brazil and indeed the world. The invention ... was born of evidence and fear. The evidence is the President and his team's sinking popularity. The fear is that, although these are only municipal elections, PT may be naturally held accountable for the nation's frustration which will be expressed in the polls with absolute clarity" (7-7-2004).

2. Lula and his government's sinking popularity

Recent opinion polls show Lula's worst approval rate yet. Only 29% of those polled think he is doing a good or very good job. A whopping 42% disapprove of the government's performance, up from 18% a year ago.

Analysts of earlier polls bent over backward to show that the public's growing disapproval of the government did not necessarily imply a decline in Lula da Silva's popularity. However, recent polls show the president's approval rate was clearly down: 43% do not have confidence in Lula, up from 19% a year ago, when more than 76% trusted him. In October 2002, 51% of Brazilians said Lula was the only candidate they would vote for; these people now number only 16.5%.

Curiously, the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo reports that the largest drop in the president's approval rate is found in low-income segments of the population.

Large numbers of letters to the editor criticizing the leftist policies and measures of the president and his government give testimony to growing dissatisfaction.

3. The government appeals to "conspiracy theories."

Many analysts are concerned by the way this administration deals with strong criticism. In reactions typical of authoritarian regimes, Lula da Silva and his ministers tend to attribute any critique, denunciation or opposition to "plots" or "conspiracies."

Criticism of corruption scandals or many government policies (such as lenience or complicity with so-called landless workers' invasions of private property) are said to be part of a "conservative conspiracy."

An article in the prestigious magazine Primeira Leitura quotes government members or PT leaders who speak of the alleged conspiracy. The article says President Lula repeatedly refers to conservative "rooting" and "organizing" against his government. The government also cites an offensive to "demonize" the so-called social movements like MST as part of the game of the right (cf. "Viciado em desculpas," May 2004).

Under the telltale title "The Chavez School," the same magazine comments: "The thought and language of Minister José Dirceu are controlled by the leftist José Dirceu of the time when he saw conspiracy in everything and everyone. ... Dirceu alerted PT and its allies to the alliance of the 'media' and 'corporate businessmen' with 'international forces'" (July 2004).

An article in O Estado de S. Paulo's economy section emphasizes: "Anyone who raises doubts, dares to criticize, warns or even advises is a threat, an enemy to be shot dead, if possible. ... José Dirceu is the boldest user of this technique of attacking when he has obviously lost. ... Neither the PT, nor President Lula, nor the 'hard core' have found their focus. However, time is going by, the population's impatience growing, other political forces are coming to the fore... and Lula keeps traveling, literally and metaphorically" (Marco Antonio Rocha, "Governo demora para achar o foco," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-12-2004).

The Lula da Silva Administration now is facing a new crisis with denunciations that the president of Banco do Brasil authorized using public money to benefit the Workers' Party (PT). Speaking to the Council for Economic and Social Development, Lula referred to "scheming and gossip" against his government and asked the country to "unite around a strategic development plan."

The leader of the Liberal Front Party (PFL) in the Chamber of Deputies sternly criticized the president, comparing him to Adolph Hitler: "Aleluia said President Lula is using the same tactic Hitler used to cover up irregularities like those allegedly committed by the president of Banco do Brasil ... 'When Hitler assumed power, he began to develop the idea that there was a conspiracy against the German economy and so he ordered his adversaries to be summarily eliminated by his secret police', said Aleluia" (Denise Madueño, "Aleluia acusa Lula de usar tática de Hitler," O Estado de S. Paulo, 8-5-2004).

4. Can deceit lead to surprise?

Duplicity continues to be the hallmark and main key to interpret the seemingly incoherent action of the Brazilian government. This has reached the point that the press often refers to governmental "schizophrenia."

While the Lula government cautiously maintains a relative stability, particularly in economic matters, they are conniving with and even favoring movements and initiatives that threaten that very stability.

A case in point is the complacent attitude toward the invasions of farms and the reckless disrespect for the law by the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) and the Pastoral Commission on Land (CPT).

Prof. Denis Lerrer Rosenfield of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul notes that many government agencies are in cahoots with a movement trying to destroy democratic institutions. He concludes: "In fact, the present government destroys with one hand what they build with the other" ("O MST e a democracia," O Estado de S. Paulo, 6-28-2004).

Economically, the government is adopting strongly socialistic measures. Its regulations are increasingly less precise. In addition, there is growing juridical instability.

In a widely published article, economic analyst Carlos Sardenberg denounced these contradictions. When Lula spoke to executives at New York's Waldorf Astoria, he writes, Lula adopted a pro-market stance. However, at the U.N. Conference for Trade and Development held in São Paulo, the president reverted to his leftist rhetoric, blaming world misery on the present world economic order which favors rich countries: "They say Lula can sign up with the IMF on one hand only if he employs leftist diplomatic rhetoric on the other. Likewise, domestically, he can only support agribusiness (be it private or global) if he backs the MST. The problem is that this only works as long as both sides do not notice the trick. Or while each side, though perceiving the trick, believes it can win the dispute and bring the president to its camp" ("O Lula do Waldorf-Astoria," O Estado de S. Paulo, 6-28-2004).

Strongly assisted by José Dirceu, President Lula da Silva seems to be paving the way for an unexpected governmental solution, while he warns of an ideological dispute with people who have not resigned themselves to losing power.

This is perhaps why Lula has repeatedly called for patience especially when addressing the more radical wings of his partisans and allies. The press notes that in two months the president appealed for patience at least seven times.

While appealing for calm, Lula da Silva also incites leftist grassroots to persist and hints that he is laying the foundation for profound change: "This patience must find in you the certainty that what we are doing in Brazil at this moment is trying to lay the groundwork for profound things this country needs," the president said at the government's year-and-a-half anniversary party (cf. Vera Rosa, "Lula pede ao País 'a paciência das mulheres,'"O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-16-2004).

In an impromptu speech, Chief of Staff José Dirceu admitted: "Time is short and conspires against us." He added, "society" wants more (and quickly), and social time does not equal economic time. The speech was permeated with attacks on privatization and capital (cf. Christiane Samarco, "Dirceu: 'O tempo é curto e conspira contra nós'," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-16-2004).

Another worrisome development was when the Minister for Political Coordination, Aldo Rebelo, printed up a flyer with the teachings of Mao Tse Tung, which is being distributed at the PT's political campaign rallies. "Be modest and prudent. Avoid arrogance. Hold fast to the struggle," the text says. Minister Rebelo, a member of the Communist Party of Brazil, commented: "I'm only following the president's recommendation that [cabinet] ministers participate in political campaigns like firemen and not arsonists" (cf. Vera Rosa, "Rebelo reedita Mao para candidatos aliados," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-21-2004).

Another big surprise was President Lula da Silva's speech at the official opening of a copper mine of Brazil's Vale do Rio Doce mining giant. Hitting his chest as he vehemently referred to Brazilian self-esteem facing economic and social challenges, Lula da Silva cited the example of Vietnam's Communist guerrillas who confronted the United States.

After praising the Vietcong and their tenacity, which according to him led to the defeat of the U.S., Lula da Silva concluded: "Everyone knows this story. Everyone knows how that war ended. And that's what I see here" (cf. Leonêncio Nossa, "Lula cita Vietnã como exemplo de resistência," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-3-2004).

In this atmosphere, the government's grassroots and allies keep clamoring for a radical break with the present economic model.

Thus, the statements of French economist François Chesnais had considerable repercussion. Invited by the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo to speak at a seminar on economics, Mr. Chesnais said only a leftist "radical rupture" like that carried out in Cuba would be a real way out for the Lula government. He pointed out a victorious rupture is possible in Brazil and that this new model would be "invincible." To buttress his thesis, Chesnais points out the existence and action of the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST).

5. MST unleashes a new wave of invasions

Always supported by the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops' Pastoral Commission on Land (CPT), the MST has unleashed a new wave of farm invasions all over Brazil.

MST leaders recently called for a new "Red April," referring to its 109 farm invasions this spring.

They are now employing new tactics. Recently, there have been "mega-invasions" with large contingents of MST militants.

"We have resumed invading and are not going to stop," says one MST state coordinator. "If we have to wait for land reform, we'll wait inside the farms," quips another. MST also announces that, if the courts compel it to leave an occupied area, it will invade another farm (cf. Chico Siqueira, "Sem-terra lançam 'nova jornada de luta'," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-14-2004; José Maria Tomazela, "Megainvasão do MST mobiliza 1.200 no Pontal," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-30-2004; José Maria Tomazela, "Invasões agora serão em massa, decide MST," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-31-2004).

6. Rural guerrilla methods

Fully coordinated mobilization, developed infrastructure and strategic calculations are the characteristics of rural guerrilla organization. Such traits are now found in the organization of invasions and establishment of squatter camps.

The 'landless' movement's usual and normal tactics consist of destroying crops and farm machinery, resisting authority and definitively refusing to abide by judicial injunctions to vacate occupied properties. Other tactics include blocking highways and taking over public buildings.

However, now their methods are gradually becoming more radical; they exhibit new boldness in challenging the law. A few weeks ago, the movement's militants attacked a police station in southern Bahia State to rescue two of its members who had been arrested and questioned by authorities. "For many years now, news of such assaults, some of them successful, was limited to those of gangs and organized crime which would rescue prisoners from police stations and prisons. Now the MST in Bahia has placed itself on the same level in its boldness and disrespect of order," says the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo in an editorial ("Caso de Polícia," 7-16-2004).

There has been extensive press coverage reporting that the MST, in addition to its publications and Internet sites, is now setting up its own radio station network.

These stations (many of them illegal) spread land reform propaganda, attack agribusiness, give formation and indoctrination to their militants and coordinate movement in their camps. Their programming exalts land invasions as "one of the most important struggles against the country's land structure" (cf. Afra Balazina, "MST improvisa rádio para 'educar' sem-terra," Folha de S. Paulo, 7-25-2004; Roldão Arruda, "MST monta rede de comunicação alternativa," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-25-2004).

7. A religiously inspired "Agrarian Revolution"

The Pastoral Commission on Land (CPT) will be organizing a so-called "Pilgrimage of the Land," billed as the high point in a "new fighting journey."

MST leaders say the goals of this whole offensive are to "negotiate land reform;" fight for "family agriculture" (i.e. a euphemism for failed land-reform "settlements"); and finally criticize agribusiness.

"This is another way in which this group [the landless] can advocate its rights since they are marginalized by a federal policy which only helps large producers," said Bishop Tomás Balduíno, CPT president (cf. Sem-terra cobram de Lula com onda de ações," Folha de S. Paulo, 7-22-2004).

Today's technologically advanced agribusiness is the driving force of Brazil's productivity, employing about 40% of the country's active population. It generates jobs, increases income, makes food more affordable, and builds up a positive trade balance of over $17 billion per year. Thus, agriculture and cattle-raising are the main activities responsible for the country's trade surplus.

Nevertheless, the pro land-reform left inside the CPT and MST, strongly present in the Lula government and ministries, is now declaring war on agribusiness. What they really want to overthrow through this "agrarian revolution" is private property and free enterprise. Their goal is to establish a "New Model for Rural Development," that is, the collectivistic and self-managing system of their failed "settlements."

In this sense, the textbook prepared by the CPT and MST for the Pilgrimage of the Land is a veritable ideological-religious broadside against agribusiness.

Prof. Denis Lerrer Rosenfield, of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, analyzes crucial excerpts of this textbook in an important article in O Estado de S. Paulo. He finds the book "permeated with biblical quotations as if religion must be at the service of the non-development of Brazilian society."

He notes: "Politico-religious organizations in the mold of bygone Communist parties and movements hoist themselves up as true interpreters of the 'divine' message, pointing to the enemy that must be destroyed. ... These organizations aim precisely ... at destroying these companies, as we have noted in the invasions of rural and also urban property. The use of the word 'enemy' is never neutral, even less so when employed in theological-political language."

Professor Rosenfield also notes that this CPT action is supported by an important state-owned company: "In other words, public monies are being used to finance an activity which is part of the general religious 'struggle' against the rural economy, for invading properties and threatening owners..." ("Transgênicos e transnacionais," 7-26-2004).

The next day an editorial in O Estado de S. Paulo mentioned the article as it analyzed the "holy war," or jihad by CPT's priests and their MST comrades against modern agriculture: "Their real enemy and long-term target is the market economy and the juridical order that underpins it" ("'Guerra santa' contra os transgênicos," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-27-2004).

8. The Lula government's relationship with the MST

A crucial fact in this whole picture of rural unrest is the complete absence of any effective measures by the Lula da Silva government to curb violence and legally punish its perpetrators. The principle of collusion that orients government policy appears in a recent speech by Minister José Dirceu himself who said: "Conflict makes Brazil advance" (cf. Christiane Samarco, "Dirceu: 'O tempo é curto e conspira contra nós'," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-16-2004).

The Lula da Silva government keeps disbursing large sums of public money to the MST and calls itself an ally of the landless: "Worse of all, nothing happens, with one exception: MST and similar organizations get carte blanche to arbitrarily and freely impose their will. And [government] ministers praise this will as they participate in the celebrations of the movement's 20th anniversary," comments Prof. Denis Lerrer Rosenfield ("O MST e a democracia," O Estado de S. Paulo, 6-28-2004).

In a recent meeting with the landless, Lula said he still has not established the land reform of his dreams but swore fidelity to his old comrades and asked them not to stop fighting for their rights: "I clearly see that I am president today because you elected me to do that which is not [only] my commitment: it is our commitment" (Vera Rosa, "Lula jura fidelidade aos amigos da primeira hora," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-13-2004).

Miguel Rossetto, Minister of Agrarian Development (of the PT's Trotskyite left), is even more explicit about the government's calculated tactic of collaborating with the MST.

At a press conference, he guarantees that the Lula government does not intend to take any exceptional measure against the new wave of invasions. Squatters supposedly have a right to free expression guaranteed by a democratic government which limits itself to curbing "eventual excesses." "In no way are legality and the rule of law under threat," said the minister in blatant contradiction with events. He added that the government has built a relationship of dialogue with the "social movements" whose action is seen as a sign of diversity: "The MST plays a very important role in the rural world" (cf. Vannildo Mendes, "Onda de invasões não traz risco, diz Rossetto," 2-8-2004).

9. Taking over the State bureaucracy

Citing conclusive evidence, the press is repeatedly denouncing what it calls the "appropriation of the State apparatus" to ensure PT's permanence.

"The interests of the party in power are being increasingly identified with those of the government, and the latter with those of the State," says Rubem de Freitas Novaes, an economist at Federal University of Rio de Janeiro and a former president of the National Bank for Economic and Social Development ("Combatendo o monstro Leviatã," O Estado de S. Paulo, 6-27-2004).

Despite official denials, PT took by assault the upper echelons of the State's bureaucracy. This has resulted in the 'ideologization' of State offices and the bureaucratization of the PT. Officials report incompetence on all levels, agencies stripped of highly qualified technical personnel, and the economic strengthening of PT finances, since members holding public office contribute a substantial percentage of their salaries to the PT.

In a recent news report, O Estado de S. Paulo shows how the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) was victim to the PT's power grab: "The news arouses suspicions that the PT knows no limits to achieve its ends." According to the paper, since March 2003, 91% of the money lent out by the Bank is destined to PT-held municipalities (cf. "O BNDES e as prefeituras do PT," 7-13-2004).

In a bid to favorably influence the municipal elections this October, the government tried to circumvent legislation and free public monies for new projects in its towns. This caused such an uproar that an electoral judge overturned the decision.

Former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso issued what he called a "friendly warning" outlining his concerns about authoritarian administrative practices that appear to be returning. He cites a bill in Congress that practically reinterprets Brazil's federation since it takes power away from the states and concentrates it in the central government with the "same arbitrary-state-developmental inspiration" of the old military regimes.

In an editorial, O Estado de S. Paulo emphasizes: "The Lula government is readying to devolve to the central power, i.e., itself, the powers the military regime exerted upon the states and municipalities. ... The Lula government -lackluster on nearly every front - is of unparalleled competence when it comes to putting together the legal and administrative instruments necessary for its power-grab agenda" ("Mais um lance do projeto de poder do PT," 8-3-2004).

10. The Party takes over intelligence services

The installation ceremony of the new director general of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN) raised concern about the increasing PT takeover of State appointments.

In spite of its civil status, ABIN is controlled by the Armed Forces and is the successor to the National Information Service (SNI). Unlike the United States and other countries, the scope of ABIN's intelligence services is not limited to foreign countries but also works internally.

For many years, the PT tried to totally rework or even eliminate the SNI. After Lula's victory, the party thought about taking the intelligence services away from the military and placing them under the president's chief of staff. However, the plan did not succeed.

President Lula capitalized on the installation ceremony to criticize the press "denunciationism" which, he claims, "does not contribute to democracy."

In his response, ABIN's new director-general, Marcelo de Lima e Silva, a police chief trusted by the president, gave his speech political overtones and defended, albeit metaphorically, Lula's reelection. He also made clear that he will defend the government against the opposition's maneuvers.

At his inaugural press conference, he surprised reporters by saying that social movements like MST pose no problem for ABIN. Likewise, organized crime groups such as PCC and the Red Command, both linked to drug trafficking and the FARC Colombian guerrillas, are also not problems.

In its editorial, "Disastrous inauguration," O Estado de S. Paulo noted that the new ABIN director-general displayed "undue partisan commitment" and added that as a functionary of the state "he makes it more than clear as he is inaugurated that his function is not only a government one but a partisan electoral one as well." It also notes how strange it is for an agency like ABIN to be uninterested "in gathering information about an organization that employs illegal and violent methods" such as MST (7-15-2004).

11. Takeover of the Supreme Federal Tribunal

Since his inauguration, President Lula da Silva has often attacked the judiciary branch. Such attacks, which at times raised serious institutional problems, were always aimed at transforming the judiciary branch, so as to make it susceptible to politico-ideological control.

Several judiciary members have denounced these attacks as more or less veiled attempts to establish a totalitarian state in Brazil.

President Lula da Silva's choice of law school professor Eros Roberto Grau to fill a vacancy in the Supreme Federal Tribunal (STF) marked a new stage in the process of politicization and ideologization of the judiciary branch.

According to press reports, Eros Grau advocates greater state intervention in the economy, believes a judge's political neutrality a myth, and avoids criticizing MST property invasions.

Besides defending a controversial 'outside control' over the judiciary branch, Grau finds it "quite reasonable" for judges to be impeached. This can be easily turned into one more political weapon of coercion over the judiciary branch (cf. Valdo Cruz e Silvana de Freitas, "Novo ministro do STF defende Estado mais forte na economia," Folha de S. Paulo, 6-28-2004).

Another development is the installation of the new president of the Supreme Federal Tribunal (STF), Justice Nelson Jobim, a political protege of Senator José Sarney (a former president of Brazil, and now president of the Senate). The appointment is seen as a fundamental step towards advancing the president's agenda since the justice is seen as a political ally of the government, something he himself let transpire in his inauguration speech.

Indeed, Justice Jobim has supported the changes Lula da Silva wants to impose on the judiciary branch, thus aggravating a climate of juridical instability. Furthermore, the new STF president has clearly taken stands that protect the government's political agenda.

A case in point was the Parliamentary Investigative Commission (CPI) that was looking into the Lula government's misappropriation of public funds and their transferal to the MST. The monies were allegedly used to finance land invasions.

The Commission ordered the opening of bank accounts and fiscal records of two organizations which finance the MST, which is unincorporated and has no legal structures of its own.

To the general surprise, the STF President issued an injunction suspending the Commission's order.

Another surprising intervention of the STF President was in the case of the assassination of the former mayor of Santo André, Celso Daniel.

This affair has doggedly haunted the government, particularly after the prosecutor general of the State of São Paulo decided to reopen investigations. Based on a police investigation, described as fraught with "contradictions, omissions and flaws," the PT has claimed the murder was a common crime. However, Celso Daniel's family members say it was a contract killing because the former mayor was planning to denounce a scheme to extort money from businesses which would benefit the PT. Moreover, members say the racket involved the current secretary of President Lula and Chief of Staff José Dirceu himself. Six people involved with the case have been murdered in unexplained circumstances.

When investigations resumed, the public prosecutor ordered in December the imprisonment of businessman Sérgio Gomes da Silva, named as the person who ordered the assassination.

However, Nelson Jobim granted an injunction which ordered the businessman to be released. In a statement to the well-known CBN radio station, Prosecutor Amaro José Tomé Filho called the decision "precarious" and "hasty" and said it caused concern and disquiet among witnesses and jeopardized the whole judgment.

12. Outside control of the judiciary branch

Last month, the Senate approved on a first reading the main text of a so-called judiciary reform which consists of a constitutional amendment substantially altering the way the judiciary functions. This reform creates an external control body - a longstanding demand of broad sectors of the left.

In an article in the newspaper Correio Braziliense, Prof. Hugo Gueiros Bernardes of the University of Brasilia Law School notes: "Now, as if it were news, they are deciding about social control of the judiciary branch. Whenever any one wanted to set up a dictatorship in the world over the last two hundred years, a 'social' pretext was used. ... We see a great change with childish traits coming. In the name of the god 'society' or 'people,' we will undermine the structure of the established [branches] of power and we can expect social control to increase. If this intervention of society in the judiciary branch is welcome, then the legislative and executive branches will soon deserve some scrutiny: [is this] neo-socialism?" (Nova República, 7-19-2004).

13. Gagging the Public Prosecutor

A controversy about the exact limits of the investigative power of the public prosecutor's office also has become of crucial importance for the political control of the judiciary branch.

From the strictly juridical point of view, many knowledgeable voices are involved in defining those limits. However, strong political interests are undeniably involved in this polemic.

There is even talk of a "handcuff law" that would bar investigations by the public prosecutor's office. According to the news magazine, Primeira Leitura, the threat of this "handcuff law" would come from the STF itself. Actually, the STF is scheduled to issue a ruling on the matter in August, and Justice Nelson Jobim has already come out against the right of the public prosecutor to conduct investigations. The magazine claims someone is trying to punish the public prosecutor's office by curtailing its field of competence (cf. Rui Nogueira, "O agosto do Ministério Público," July 2004).

If this measure is taken, it would affect many high profile cases. Investigations into the murder of former mayor Celso Daniel would be thrown out. Likewise, probes into the corruption scandal involving Waldomiro Diniz, personal aide to Lula government's strongman José Dirceu, would be stopped. In the beginning of the year, a videotape showed Waldomiro asking kickbacks and campaign contributions to bosses running numbers games.

It would be well to remember that the scandal caused the biggest political crisis of the present administration. At the time, in his typically authoritarian style, José Dirceu made serious threats against the public prosecutor's office.

A "handcuff law" imposed by an "allied" organ in the judiciary branch could make those threats a reality.

"ABIN wants to spy on us. The public prosecutor's office can be prevented from carrying out investigations. How frightful! It seems as though we're returning to the darkest hours we lived in the 60's and 70's. What kind of country is emerging on the horizon?" (Cesar Giobbi, "Perfil nebuloso," O Estado de S. Paulo, 8-3-2004).

14. The Lula government: searching for failed utopias

The picture above, to which innumerable other aspects could be added, outlines an ideologically motivated, leftist power-grab agenda based on failed utopias.

In an editorial, the leading magazine Veja issues an alert to prevent Brazil from becoming an asylum for glaringly decrepit ideas: "The most flagrant of all is the type of land reform now being imposed on the country by a group of Bolsheviks and medievalist priests, the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST). ... The MST leadership encourages crimes and has a vision of the world dislocated in time and space. Its national leader, João Pedro Stédile, preaches disrespect of the law and the abolition of private property ... [and condemns] the outstanding advances of mechanized agriculture and high technology that have been the mainstay of Brazil's economic recovery.

"On the list of outdated ideas still going around in Brazil can be included government centralism and the resurrection of industrial policy, both springs of obsolete State capitalism ...

"Included in this dinosaur park of ideas is the initiative of Aldo Rebelo, the Minister for Political Coordination, who published a handbook with teachings of Chinese Communist Mao Tse-Tung. Mao has been out of fashion for decades even in his own land" ("Um asilo de idéias," 7-28-2004).

Vol. I

Jan No. 1 / Jan No. 2

Feb No. 3 / Feb No. 4

Mar No. 5 / Mar No. 6

Apr No. 7 / May No. 8

May No. 9 / June No. 10

July No. 11 / August No. 12

Sept No. 13 / Oct No. 14

Nov No. 15 / Dec No. 16

Vol. II

Jan No. 1 / Feb. No. 2

Feb. No. 3 / Mar. No.4

Jun. No. 5 / Sep. No.6

Nov. No. 7 / Nov. No.8

Vol. III

Jan. No. 1 / Apr. No. 2

Apr. No. 3 / May No. 4

July. No.5

Vol. IV

Feb. No. 1 / Dec. No.2

Dec. No.3 / Dec. No.4

Vol. V

Jan. No. 1 / Feb. No.2

Feb. No.3 / Mar. No.4

Mar. No.5 / Apr. No.6

May. No.7 / May No.8

June. No.9 / July No.10

August. No.11 / Sep. No.12

Oct. No.13 / Oct. No.14

Vol. VI

Jan. No. 1 / Mar. No.2

Lula Fooling the World
Lula's party covered up its
historic radicalism during the
elections, but now in power is
gradually re-nationalizing formerly
privatized assets.

Brazil says NO to Gun Control
- October 27, 2005
The international left was monitoring with great expectations the results of Brazil’s weekend referendum on a nationwide ban on the sale of guns and ammunition. A Yes vote would have been celebrated as a victory for gun control not only in Brazil but worldwide.